Refugees from Nazi Germany and the Scientific Study of Antisemitism
by Rose-Marie Leuschen-Seppel
Text translated by Nina Morris-Farber; notes by Henry Friedlander.

Some academic disciplines, such as philology and philosophy, dared to confront the origins and phenomena of National Socialism directly after 1943 1; using linguistic phenomena, they sought to denounce the brutality and inhumanity of the immediate past and its tendency to live on in the public consciousness. But a good decade elapsed before the historical, political, social, economic, and psychological causes of antisernitism were discussed and the first attempts to demythify Nazism appeared in print.

From 1945 to the mid-1950s a certain attitude, which Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno aptly characterized as "horrified talk of demonic powers," became symptomatic for the exclusion of the Nazi past and its prehistory. This kind of talk served "secretly as an apologia": "that which is supposed to be of irrational origin is withdrawn from rational consideration and magically, it is thus made into something which must simply be accepted".2

Therefore, it is not surprising that the first attempts at a rational and scientific confrontation with German anti-sernitism before and after 1933 came from those very persons who were affected by it, those who had been able to save themselves by going into exile, above all to the United States. Thus, it was not mainly historians or political scientists in the narrow sense-but rather psychologists, philosophers, and above all, social scientists- who at the beginning of the 1940s took up the critical investigation of antisemitism that had been interrupted in Germany in 1933.

For a start, Rudolph M. Loewenstein, a member of the New York Institute for Psychoanalysis, and Bruno Bettelheim, a professor of Education, Psychology, and Psychiatry, broke new ground with their contributions3 in the study of antisernitism as an individual or mass neurotic phenomenon. Moreover, the anthologies Jews in a Gentile World and Essays on Antisemitism,4 both published in the United States in 1942, combined the results of various social scientific studies and methods as well as the historical and sociological dimensions of the phenomenon. The decisive impulse for German historiography after 1945 emanated from the development of this social scientific research on antisemitism, especially from the research projects and publications that were carried on by the Institut ffir Sozialforschung (Institute for Social Research), which had emigrated from Frankfurt to the New School for Social Research in New York.

The word "antisemitism" was coined in Germany in 1879 and subsequently translated into other languages. We must distinguish between the "broader" and the "narrower" concepts of antisemitism.5 The former includes any hostility toward Jews in the course of the centuries and is independent of specific causes, manifestations, or functions of hatred for Jews. The latter, which is also called modern antisemitism, designates an ideology and a political movement in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that is historically and systematically different from the earlier hostility toward Jews. In antiquity and in the middle ages, expressions of the hostility of the non- Jewish majority to the Jewish minority extended from legal and social repression to open hatred and pogroms, often rooted in economic causes and motives. Modern antisemitism, however, was directed against the legal and social equality of the Jews and concretely pursued the prevention or abolition of their emancipation, which had been accomplished in Germany and other Central European countries in the middle of the nineteenth century.6

In Germany antisernitic theories were connected with a "pseudoscientific theory of race," and they established a "manichean interpretation of the world,"7 so that modern antisemitism was soon -more than a movement hostile to Jews" and for the repeal of emancipation; it represented an ideology (Weltanschauung),8 which was finally transformed into "practical politics and domination for the extermination of the Jews."9 Antisemitism as an ideology of domination and integration became part of official government policy with Hitler's seizure of power, and after the gradual removal of equal social and civil rights of Jews, it achieved a new dimension, aiming at the annihilation of Jews according to plan. If the bourgeois antisemitism of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries could still be considered a "diffuse ideology of protest" and an "antiliberal protest movement,"10 the (fascist) antisemitism of the National Socialist state must be characterized as an "antisemitism of extermination" (Silbermann).11

From the late eighteenth century one can point to a tradition of critical research on antisemitism in Germany based on the Enlightenment model. It analyzed causes, forms, and effects of the older type of hostility toward Jews. It opposed the prejudice that the causes of "Jew hatred" can be found in the behavior of Jewry itself. It also propagated the notion that Jews are to be seen as a "product of their history," and suggested that the solution of the "Jewish question" be sought in an improvement of the social and legal conditions and possibilities of their existence-through emancipation.12

While this theory was dominant until the conclusion of Jewish emancipation in, the middle of the nineteenth century, the period from the 1870s to the 1890s, brought new antisernitic theories in the train of modernization, economic crises, and social dislocations.13 These rejected any emancipation and adopted arguments based on racial theory14 in order to declare "Jewry the very principle of evil in world history"15 and to make Jews the scapegoat for contemporary abuses, crises, and conflicts in the social realm, both domestic and international. Thus, under the influence of racial theories, the "Jewish question" was robbed of its historical and social dimension and subjected to a naturalistic determinism, since racial theory tended to "dehumanize" history to some extent and to look at it exclusively from the perspective of natural science. Detached from reality, the theory of the incompatibility of "German" and "Jewish" types was propagated.16 Disconnected from any realistic image of Jews, "the Jew," in volkisch- antisemitic ideology, acquired a symbolic persona for all negative traits of society at that time, a figure contrasted with the "Germanic-German ideal type."17 To the "German nature" were ascribed the virtues of "respect for tradition, . . . reverence for the authorities desired by God," and "making individual desires secondary to the obligation to the community." In contrast, the "Jewish nature" was characterized by its "belief in the existence of general ideas, especially that of the equality of all human beings," and Jewish character was linked with the undesirable traits of "egotism, sordid self-interest," and was "asocial, ugly, slimy, and sensual."18

Starting in the late 1870s, modem antisemitism was used by the social and political ruling circles as a means to distract and manipulate, as, for example, with the Christian-Social Party of court chaplain Adolf Stoecker during the Bismarck period. In addition, in the 1890s the doctrine of volkisch-racial antisemitism was taken up by the peasant movements created by Hermann Ahlwardt and Otto Boeckel respectively in Pomerania and Hesse. Around the turn of the century it became part of the ideology of numerous associations and was widespread as an undercurrent of nationalism among the German bourgeoisie.

As early as the 1870s modern antisemitism challenged politicians and academics to take sharply defined positions and to train and enlighten the public on behalf of Jewish emancipation. The resulting political and scientific theories,19 which condemned antisernitic and racist doctrines and attempted to cut the ground from under daily antisernitic practices, proceeded from the position that Jew hatred on the one hand represented a centuries-old phenomenon but on the other had assumed a novel dimension when it became an instrument of current policy based on the foundation of racial theory. Like the proponents of emancipation at the end of the eighteenth century, opponents and critics of antisemitism at the end of the nineteenth century- except for a few liberals or Social Democrats-likewise stated that Jews were a product of society, marked by social, economic, and legal conditions, not determined by racial components, so that "the Jews taken on the average are no better and no worse than the so-called Christians."20

Insofar as there was a desire to preserve the emancipation of Jews and their integration into the wider society, as well as to pursue the removal of the abuses of the bourgeois economic and social order, a solution to the "Jewish question" and the obliteration of antisemitism seemed guaranteed; after all, according to this analysis, its devotees essentially consisted of the groups most threatened by the process of industrialization, namely, the small-scale industrialists, petit-bourgeoisie, and peasantry, whose economic existence was most endangered and who believed antisemitism would be their salvation.

It is true that the proponents of emancipation and the opponents of modern antisemitism offered an analysis of the function and outward form of modern antisemitism that to a large extent parallels the results of contemporary social scientific research. It is true that in their political engagement they pointed the way in regard to a critical theory and training that would immunize people against antisemitism. Yet essentially they all pursued only one model and thus in a certain sense an antipluralistic concept of the solution to the "Jewish question": They assumed that the integration of Jews and their total assimilation to the prevalent norms of the whole society would be a precondition for the conflict-free coexistence of Jews and non- Jews.21

Neither the political opponents of antisemitism in the nineteenth century22 nor the academic researchers of the twentieth century (who after World War I undertook analyses of this phenomenon with new methods and renewed strength), could imagine that antisemitism in Germany would be declared the official government policy and would have as its goal the annihilation of the Jews. In the 1920s the first interpretations were published from the disciplines of group sociology, social psychology, organizational history, and psychoanalysis;23 these continued and extended the tradition of critical research about antisemitism. This tradition was destroyed by the Nazi seizure of power in Germany and the persecution of Jews as well as the persecution of representatives of humanistic research.

The history of the Jews from 1918 to 1933 24 was characterized by contradictory developments: on the one hand their complete integration as citizens and the growing cultural significance of German Jews, and on the other hand their confrontation with emerging political forces that intended to destroy the republic as well as the Jews. Internally, Jewish life was equally full of tensions, exemplified by the conflicts between Zionists and anti-Zionists and between assimilated German Jews and East European immigrant Jews. These tensions promoted a crisis mentality within the Jewish community that was intensified by the economic and political instability of the Weimar Republic.

Until 1933 the demographic and vocational structure of German Jewry continued to exhibit trends that originated in the nineteenth century: a declining birth rate, an aging population, mixed marriages, concentration in large cities, flight from rural areas, and the immigration of East European Jews. As a response to latent or open antisemitism, German Jews sought to obtain academic positions and economic self-sufficiency, trends that also continued from the nineteenth century through the Weimar Republic. In 1933 approximately 46 percent of German Jews owned their own businesses, in comparison to 16.4 percent of the general population.25 Statistics from the year 1933, when five to ten percent of German Jews had already fled, reflect both the participation of Jews in academic professions (Table 1)26 and the social composition of the group that had emigrated (Table 2).

The social stratification of German Jews at the end of the Weimar Republic can be described as a small wealthy upper class, an extensive bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie, and a not particularly strong East European Jewish working class.

The memoirs of German Jews published by Monika Richarz are witness to the fact that the Jewish population in Germany was neither homogeneous and isolated nor free of class conflicts,28 although compared to the United States the melting pot process had not even begun for the lower economic groups. While religion no longer played a significant role for many German Jews and the majority of Jews were culturally integrated as citizens, Jews nevertheless remained a "still clearly recognizable social group"29 in 1933. Jews were distinguished from the rest of the population by religion, tradition, heritage, social stratification, occupational structure, and demography. Individual social contacts between Jews and non-Jews did exist, and some German Jews, primarily intellectuals and academics, like those of the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt, denied their group identity as Jews; they considered themselves fully assimilated and played down both the problem of antisernitism and the problem of discrimination against Jews.30

According to more recent scholarly studies, a marked readiness of the Jewish consciousness to assimilate began yielding even in the nineteenth century to an even stronger desire for self-preservation. If the Zionists did not consider themselves Germans, but only German citizens, the representatives of Jews, such as, for example, members of the Centralverein, sought to preserve their Jewish identity and to harmonize it with their German identity. But these efforts were doomed to failure because the majority of the population, even opponents of any antisernitism such as left liberals and social democrats, still pursued the nineteenth-century expectations according to which Jews would give up their ethnic, cultural, and religious traditions and would integrate and fully assimilate into German society as a whole.

German Jews, at least in the years from 1933 to 1938, reacted to the government's policy of antisernitism with a strong will toward self-assertion and economic reintegration, and with a readiness to relearn and call upon Jewish values and traditions through the creation of Jewish self-help groups or by turning to Zionism. But the predominant reaction to Jewry's threatened existence was represented by emigration, i.e., a complete break with one's previous life.31

The group that decided on emigration immediately after the Nazi seizure of power was composed mainly of well-known artists, writers, and politicians, who were doubly endangered because they had been members of left-wing political parties and had already declared war against the right-wing groups that had threatened the legitimate state during the Weimar Republic. They were joined by a mass exodus in 1938-1939 of Jews whose very physical and economic existence was threatened. There were three main organizations that could help such emigrants: The Palestine Office for Emigration to Palestine, the Hilfsverein deutscher Juden for emigration to all other countries, and the Hauptstelle ffir judische Wanderfursorge for the repatriation or further emigration of foreign Jews in Germany.

The United States, Palestine, and Great Britain were the major nations to which refugees fled.32 Inside continental Europe, before the outbreak of war and German occupation, France, Belgium, Holland, Czechoslovakia, and Switzerland were the most frequent destinations of German refugees. Outside of Europe, several South American countries accepted refugees, although their economic and political cooperation with the so-called Axis powers often resulted in an expressly restrictive immigration policy, sometimes tinged with antisernitic overtones. Many of these countries were often considered only as "waiting rooms" for further flight to the United States, or they were accessible only with the help of bribes. A small number of persecuted Jews were admitted to Canada, South Africa, Australia, and Shanghai. But it is generally true that the possibilities for immigration were limited and became even more restricted, for various reasons, in the course of the 1930s and 1940s.33

Although Palestine held first place among the countries of immigration for German Jewish refugees between 1933 and 1935,34 this position was assumed by the United States after 1937. But even the United States had many rulings and restrictions that limited immigration from European countries threatened by the Nazis.35 Dating from the Immigration Act of 1924, a quota system for visas had been introduced, really "a system for limiting immigration,"36 which remained in force without any fundamental alterations until the end of World War II.

Aside from the special requirements for Asian nations and for North, Central, and South American countries, all other lands were declared "countries with quotas," from which a total of 150,000 people per annum could immigrate into the United States. The quota for Germany was 25,000 and for Austria 2,000 immigrants per year.37

The law divided visas into three categories:

1. Non-immigrant visas for tourists and those in transit;

2. Non-quota immigrant visas for clergy, professors, students on fellowships, former inhabitants of the United States, and relatives of so-called "qualifying individuals"; and

3. Quota immigrant visas which were subdivided into two groups:

a)Preferential visas for parents of United States citizens and wives and children of legal citizens under 20 years of age;

b) Normal immigration visas, which required applicants to show through numerous personal documents and proof of the so-called LPC clause ("likely to become a public charge") that they had Refugees and the Study of Antisemitism sufficient financial resources or means not to become wards of the state. If such proof could not be obtained as a prerequisite for immigration, so-called affidavits of support had to be supplied, which provided confirmation by friends or relatives in the United States that they would guarantee the immigration candidate's economic selfsupport and independence from public welfare. Such affidavits were also subjected to precise economic verification.38

Although there were some family, friendship, and professional contacts between German and American Jews, and American Jewish rescue organizations guaranteed support for the immigrant on arrival and for resettlement, the quotas for Germany and Austria were not filled as late as 1938. This may also have contributed to the American policy of continuing these restrictions.

We can only speculate about the reasons that quotas were not filled. Existing literature suggests the following possibilities:39 - the difficulties of obtaining proof to satisfy the LPC clause;

- careful investigation of potential emigrants by the responsible consulates, which in turn caused long waiting periods;

- language barriers;

- long periods of time required to find relatives and friends in the United States, which was also made more difficult because of the geographic distance;

- restrictions and reservations against potential immigrants, because of intensified investigation of these immigrants by local and regional authorities who were worried by the bad economic situation of the United States; and

- the absence of intellectual contacts and mutual understanding between American and German Jews.

The statistical distribution of German and Austrian emigrants compared to their actual quota allowances reveals the following:40

All attempts to move the American government to loosen its immigration laws failed throughout the 1930s, even after Jewish persecution in Germany had escalated following the pogrom of November 1938. In 1937 a few improvements in the LPC clause were introduced, but even the refugee conference at Evian in 1938 brought about no fundamental changes in immigration policy. When the rescue of German and other European victims of Nazi persecution became increasingly urgent and problematic after the outbreak of World War 11, a change in the quotas was still not achieved. President Roosevelt, however, convened an advisory council for political refugees, which was to suggest to the State Department the names of prominent and especially endangered refugees who should be allowed to immigrate; the responsible American consulate would then be permitted to issue an emergency visa with a minimum of delay. Even when Eleanor Roosevelt tried to assist these refugees and through her activities rescued several well-known writers, artists, and political figures,41 only about 2,000 of the approximately 4,000 names suggested by the Emergency Rescue Committee were actually issued visas.42

Despite such efforts, immigration statistics declined further in the 1940s, especially after American entry into the war increased the difficulties of obtaining visas and locating transportation; political motives also hampered what would otherwise have been a readiness to ease up on restrictive immigration. The American public and authorities began to feel that immigration had to be very carefully controlled so as to screen out the entrance of Nazi and communist agents into the United States and to eliminate any risk to government policy and the conduct of the war.43

A War Refugee Board was established in 1944 to ameliorate the requirements for immigration, so that more refugees could be saved. Nevertheless, those who have done research about exile are unanimous in criticizing American immigration law and practice for having been far from an adequate response to Nazi antisemitism, the extermination of the Jews, and the political persecution of those who opposed Nazism.44

The total number of refugees who fled from Germany and Austria to the United States between 1933 and 1945 is generally believed to be 250,000- 300,000; of these, 129,000-132,000 were Jewish. The number of Jews who came from all of continental Europe perhaps reached 160,000 people. 45 Although the German and Austrian refugees made many contributions to the struggle against European fascism during the war,46 they were often categorized as enemy aliens and hence frequently encountered xenophobia as well as antisemitic prejudices as they attempted economic resettlement and social integration.47

The German emigrants found that American Jews 49 consisted essentially of three groups:

1. Those Jews who had been colonists, whether of Sephardic or Ashkenazic background;

2. A large group of primarily German Jews who had left Europe in the 1880s and had been very successful economically in the United States. They had pursued upward social mobility and had assimilated to a large extent, forming their own exclusive stratum of the upper middle class. This group created the primary models for Jewish organizational and social life and supported, both financially and organizationally, the Jewish relief committees that assisted the resettlement of European and German refugees after 1933. But they were also considered to represent typically negative characteristics of an upper class.50

3. The third and largest group consisted of Eastern European immigrants, who had also arrived in the United States after 1880. Upon their arrival the first wave of antisemitism washed over the United States, a wave that may well have been influenced by the simultaneous appearance of antisemitism in Germany. Antisemitism, like xenophobia, was generally fed and strengthened by the isolationist policies of the 1920s and the problems of economic depression and unemployment during the 1930s.51 In contrast to the Jews of German background, Eastern European Jews formed an independent urban proletariat, who lived in crowded ghetto-like enclaves, primarily in the large East Coast cities, continued to use and cultivate the Yiddish language, and established a complex religious and cultural life. This independent proletariat met with the problems of a capitalistically organized labor market, which, under the influence of the Great Depression, was not free of bias against foreigners. In New York and other comparable big cities, a third of all Jews employed in textile manufacturing or similar branches of industry were unskilled workers; another third worked as employees in retail outlets, and 11.3 percent were in academic or intellectual professions.52

However, between 1900 and 1930 some economic and social upward mobility had already occurred: While in 1900 about 16 percent of all Jews were employed as factory laborers, this portion fell to 13-14 percent in 1930 throughout the United States. This economic process not only went hand in hand with a process of assimilation to Anglo-American language and culture, but also a process of acculturation could be discerned in the various groups and social classes of American Jewry during the 1930s and 1940s. Through contacts and marriages among the various original groups of immigrants, a new type emerged-the American Jew.53

Those Jews who had originally been religiously observant, especially those from Eastern Europe, often transferred their field of activity to the public sphere as politicians or union organizers but still felt that their cultural roots lay in the traditions of the old European Jewish centers. The majority of American Jews, despite their economic advancement and social integration, remained more aware of their cohesion as a group with ethnic loyalties than did the average representatives of German Jewry during the same period.

In contrast to the general population in Germany, Americans had several theories and models of integration or acculturation at their disposal:

-assimilation to Protestant Anglo-conformity which could be and also was used, however, as a way of discriminating against Catholics, Blacks, Orientals, and Jews;

-the melting pot theory, which proceeded from the assumption that American society represented a conflict-free melting of various ethnic cultures. But the realities of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries did not conform to this theory, for even the three largest religious groups- Protestants, Catholics, and Jews-normally tended to five as homogeneous and self-contained groups;

-the model of cultural pluralism, theoretically based on a liberalism rooted in tolerance, which would come closest to a description of reality for Blacks, Catholics, and Jews, who for generations had lived in neighborly association and yet had social and familial relations only within each group. Even if, on the basis of this model, the development of a "healthy" national state and national sentiment 54 could be achieved, one must still consider that the reality of American society in the 1930s, when the first refugees from Nazism arrived, did not correspond to the ideal set forth in this theory of acculturation.

If one assumes that the integration of immigrants is facilitated when they are received and supported with sympathy and good win by members of their group that have already settled in the new country, one must then realize that the majority of German Americans did not absolutely condemn the Nazis and that among them, as in fact in other American ethnic groups, there was abundant evidence of nationalism, xenophobia, and antisernitism.55 This was expressed in the widespread support from almost all groups in the population for restrictive immigration policies.

NOTES

1. See, for example, Dolf Sternberger, Gerhard Storz, and W. E. Sufskind, Aus dem Worterbuch des Unmenschen (Hamburg and Dusseldorf, 1968), first published in Die Wandlung in 1945-1948 and as a book in 1957. Also Victor Klemperer, LTI: Die unbewaltigte Sprache (Munich, 1969), first published in East Berlin in 1946.

2. Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, "Introduction," p. vi, in Paul W. Massing, Vorgeschichte des politischen Antisemitismus (Frankfurt, 1959), first published as Rehearsal for Destruction (New York, 1949).

3. Rudolf M. Loewenstein, Psychoanalyse des Antisemitismus (Frankfurt, 1968), first published in Paris in 1962; Bruno Bettelheim, "The Dynamics of Anti- Sernitism in Gentile and Jew," The Journal of Abnormal Psychology 47 (1947): 153-68.

4. J. Graeber, S. H. Britt, eds., Jews in a Gentile World (New York, 1942); Koppel S. Pinson, ed., Essays on Anti-Semitism (New York, 1942).

5. See Reinhard Rurup, "Zur Entwicklung der modernen Antisemitismusforschung," in Emanzipation und Antisemitismus: Studien zur "Judenfrage" der bargerlichen Gesellschaft, ed. Reinhard Rurup (Gottingen, 1975), pp. 115-25, esp. p. 115.

6. On emancipation, see Rurup, Emanzipation und Antisemitismus; Hannah Arendt, Elemente und Ursprunge totaler Herrschaft, translated from English (Frankfurt, 1955), pp. 15-118 (originally published in the U.S. as The Origins of Totalitarianism [New York, 19511).

7. Rilrup, Emanzipation und Antisemitismus, p. 116.

8. See Werner Jochmann, "Struktur und Funktion des deutschen Antisemitismus," in Juden im wilhelminischen Deutschland 1890-1914, ed. Werner E. Mosse and Arnold Paucker (Tubingen, 1976), pp. 389-477, esp. p. 472.

9. Rilrup, Emanzipation und Antisemitismus, pp. 116f.

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid., p. 120. For an example of this tradition, see Christian Wihelm Dohm, Uber die burgerliche Verbesserung der Juden (Berlin and Stettin, 1781).

13. For Germany, see for example, Wilhehn Marr, Der Sieg des judenthums uber das Germanenthum. Vom nicht-confessionellen Standpunkt aus betrachtet. Vae Victis! (Berlin, 1873); Eugen Duhring Die Judenfrage als Racen-, Sittenund Culturfrage (Karlsruhe and Leipzig, 1881); Paul de Lagarde, Juden und Indogermanen: Eine Studie nach dem Leben (Gottingen, 1887); Julius Langbehn, Rembrandt als Erzieher: Von einem Deutschen (Leipzig, 1890). For summaries and analysis, see for example, Jochmann, "Struktur und Funktion"; Judisches Leben in Deutschland, Vol. 2: Selbstzeugnisse zur Sozialgeschichte im Kaiserreich, ed. Monika. Richarz (Stuttgart, 1979), pp. 35-46; Gunter Zmarzlik, "Der Antisemitismus im Kaiserreich von 1871," in Wieviel Zukunft hat unsere Vergangenheit? Aufsatze und Uberlegungen eines Historikers vom Jahrgang 1922, ed. Gunter Zmarzlik (Munich, 1970), pp. 32-50; Alexander Bein, "Der moderne Antisernitismus und seine Bedeutung ffir die Judenfrage: Antisemitismus als Wort und Begriff," Vierteljahrshefte ffir Zeitgeschichte 6 (1958): 340-60.

14. See Patrik von zur Milhlen, Rassenideologien: Geschichte und Hintergriinde (Bonn and Berlin, 1977).

15. Rurup, Emanzipation und Antisemitismus, p. 120.

16. Jochmann, "Struktur und Funktion," p. 403.

17. Zmarzlik, "Antisemitismus im Kaiserreich," p. 141.

18. Jochmann, "Struktur und Funktion," p. 403; and Massing, Vorgeschichte, p. 107.

19. For example, Friedrich Engels, Herrn Dfihrings Umwdlzung der Wissenschaft (Anti-Diihring) (pp. 5-292 in Marx Engels Werke Vol. 20); August Bebel, "Antisernitismus und Sozialdemokrafie," in Protokoll uber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands ... zu Kdln a.Rh.... 1893 (Berlin, 1893), pp. 223-37 (republished as pamphlet in 1906); Karl Kautsky, Rasse und Judentum (Leipzig, 1880); Hermann Bahr, Der Antisemitismus (Berlin, 1893); Ludwig Bamberger, Deutschtum und Judentum (Leipzig, 1880); Theodor Mommsen, Auch ein Wort uber unser judentum (Berlin, 1879). Also compare Der Berliner Antisemitismusstreit, ed. Walter Boehlich (Frankfurt, 1965).

20. Bebel, "Antisemitismus und Sozialdemokratie," p. 34 (1906 pamphlet).

21. See also ftidisches Leben in Deutschland, Vol. 3: Selbstzeugnisse zur SozWgeschichte 1918-1945, ed. Monika Richarz (Stuttgart, 1982), p. 27.

22. Compare Bebel, "Antisemitismus und Sozialdemokratie," p. 38 (1906 pamphlet): "Antisemitism, which is always based on the basest drives and instincts of a backward class, represents the moral degeneration (Verlumpung) of the groups attached to it. It is comforting that in Germany antisernitism never had the chance decisively to influence state and society."

23. See, for example, Fritz Bernstein, Der Antisemitismus als Gruppenerscheinung: Versuch einer Soziologie des judenhasses (Berlin, 1926); Kurt Warwzinek, Die Entstehung der deutschen Antisemitenparteien 1873-1890 (Berlin, 1927); Arnold Zweig, Caliban oder Politik und Leidenschaft: Versuch uber die menschlichen Gruppenleidenschaften, dargetan am Antisemitismus (Potsdam, 1927).

24. For a survey, see ftidisches Leben in Deutschland 3: 13-39.

25. Herbert A. Strauss, "The Immigration and Acculturation of the German Jew in the United States of America," in Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 16 (1971): 63-94, esp. 77.

26. Based on Jiidisches Leben in Deutschland 3: 24.

27. Based on Strauss, "Immigration and Acculturation," p. 77. For a survey of demography and occupational structure of the German Jews during the Weimar Republic, see Iiidisches Leben in Deutschland 3: 14-25.

28. ffidisches Leben in Deutschland 3: 25.

29. Ibid., p. 26.

30. See Martin Jay, Dialektische Phantasie: Die Geschichte der Frankfurter Schule und des Instituts ffir Sozialforschung 1923 bis 1950, translated from English (Frankfurt, 1976), p. 196.

31. See ftidisches Leben in Deutschland 3: 41-56.

32. For a survey on immigration legislation and practice in the major countries of refuge, see Herbert A. Strauss, "Jewish Emigration from Germany: Nazi Policies and Jewish Responses, Part 2," in Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 26 (1981): 343- 409. For the United States, see Strauss, "Immigration and Acculturation," pp. 63- 67. For an East German perspective, see the not always convincing volume Exil in den USA mit einem Bericht "Schanghai-Eine Emigration am Rande," ed. Eike Middell and others (Frankfurt, 1980), pp. 23-82, esp. pp. 39ff.

33. See Strauss, "Jewish Emigration"; and jiidisches Leben in Deutschland 3: 52-55.

34. Strauss, "Jewish Emigration," p. 345.

35. Ibid., pp. 345ff.

36. Exil in den USA, p. 40.

37. Strauss, "Jewish Emigration," p. 359.

38. Ibid., pp. 358f.

39. Ibid., p. 360. Also Strauss, "Immigration and Acculturation," p. 65.

40. Based on Strauss, "Jewish Emigration," p. 359.

41. For example, Heinrich and Golo Mann, Lion Feuchtwanger, and Herbert Weichmann (a Social Democrat who had been the administrative assistant of the Prussian Prime Minister). See Elsbeth Weichmann, Zuflucht: lahre des Exils, introd. by Siegfried Lenz (Hamburg, 1983) for a realistic and impressive description of the problems of obtaining visas and of adjusting to the United States; the memoir of Marta Feuchtwanger, Nur eine Frau: lahre-Tage-Stunden (Munich and Vienna, 1983), which treats the same problems, provides a weaker analysis.

42. See Exil in den USA, pp. 45f.

43. For greater detail, see Strauss, "Immigration and Acculturation," p. 69.

44. Ibid. Also Exil in den USA, pp. 44ff.

45. Strauss, "Jewish Emigration," p. 362 and "Immigration and Acculturation," p. 64.

46. See Strauss, "Immigration and Acculturation," p. 79; Laura Fermi, Illustrious Immigrants: The Intellectual Migration from Europe, 1930-1941 (Chicago and London, 1968); and Norman Bentwich, The Rescue and Achievement of Refugee Scholars: The Story of Displaced Scholars and Scientists, 1933-1952 (The Hague, 1953), esp. p. 49.

47. Strauss, "Immigration and Acculturation," pp. 69f. and "Jewish Emigration," p. 362.

48. Concept based on Strauss, "Immigration and Acculturation," p. 70 (compare esp. pp. 70-73).

49. Ibid., pp. 73ff.

50. Ibid., p. 75.

51. [bid. For antisernitism in the United States during the 1930s, see Anthony Heilbut, Exiled in Paradise (New York, 1983), pp. 49f.; and HeIge Pross, Die deutsche akademische Emigration nach den Vereinigten Staaten, 1933-1941 (Berlin, 1955), p. 32.

52. Strauss, "Immigration and Acculturation," pp. 73-76, esp. p. 74.

53. Ibid., p. 75.

54. Ibid., p. 73. Strauss sees this model as the best possible means for the coexistence of different ethnic and religious groups.

55. Ibid., p. 66; and Pross, Akademische Emigration, p. 3.